Young People: Leaving the care system

Young People: Leaving the care system Literature reviewed for this study has included articles from academic journals and textbooks, government policy, guidance and briefings and other guidance produced by non-statutory organisations such as the National Care Advisory Service. Key themes within the literature reviewed have included the experiences of young people in care that contribute to their leaving care experiences, the effectiveness of services aimed at care leavers, social work practice with care leavers and the views of young people themselves on how prepared they feel when leaving the care system. Background Studies about young people leaving care point to the different life experiences that many care leavers have in contrast to their peers and argue that these have an impact on how prepared young people are to leave care. Whilst in the care system they face disadvantage plus a greater risk of social exclusion and poor outcomes such as low educational achievement and homelessness, unemployment and mental health problems (Stein et al 2000, Courtney et al 2000). Particular groups of care leavers can also face specific types of discrimination and disadvantage. Black and ethnic minority care leavers face identity problems due to a lack of contact with family and community (Barn et al 2005), young disabled people in care may encounter problems with poor planning in relation to their housing in the transition period from care (Priestly et al 2003) and young women in care are at greater risk of teenage pregnancy and the associated risks of poor outcomes (DfES 2006). Jones (2002) noted significa nt qualitative differences between young parents who have family support and those living away from home. The life history of looked after children also plays a part in their preparation to leave care. Many looked after children can have complex needs that are related to their earlier childhood experiences. These experiences can impact on how they settle into their looked after placements and the level of educational achievement that they reach at school. Their educational achievements will affect how they manage in life after care. Looked after children often have a number of social, emotional or behavioural difficulties such as challenging behaviour, low self-esteem and poor concentration skills, which again can affect their transitions into adulthood (Soan and Lee 2010). Transition Everson-Hock et al (2009) attempted to analyse the effectiveness of transition to adulthood support services (TSSs) to leaving care and their impact on outcomes including education, employment, substance misuse, criminal and offending behaviour, parenthood, housing and homelessness and health (Everson-Hock et al, 2009). The study, based largely on US quantitative studies found that young people leaving care were more likely to complete compulsory education if they received TSSs; that there was moderate evidence that TSSs improved employment prospects and; moderate evidence that TSSs lessened the likelihood of negative impacts from substance misuse, offending behaviour, homelessness or early parenthood (Everson-Hock et al 2009). Whilst accepting that US based studies could not simply be transferred to UK experiences, the study conclude that TSSs do have a beneficial effect on the adult outcomes of looked after young people, in particular for education, employment, parenthood and housi ng (Everson-Hock et al 2009, p52). A study in Scotland identified planning transition to adulthood as important and noted that leaving care at an early age can be a concern. Moving from residential care to supported carers and then allowing young people to move in a planned manner that allows them a say in when they leave care is also important (Kendrick 2008). This study also identified failures by local authorities to make adequate preparations. Many care leavers did not receive a programme of preparation, particularly those in foster homes or being cared for at home. It was also identified that 60% of the young people surveyed had not received a formal leaving care review (Kendrick 2008). Evidence elsewhere also suggests that care leavers are often hurried out of care with the Director of the Office for Childrens Rights commenting a common theme among those young people consulted was in their having remarkably short periods of notice to leave, together with their sheer lack of preparation to do so(Morgan and Lindsa y 2006). Stein found that since the 1990s there has been more of a focus on outcome studies (Stein, 2006). Nonetheless, the wide variation in both research and the collection of statistical outcome data by the government has been highlighted by international leaving care work (Stein, 2006). Likewise Simon and Own (2006 citied in ibid) stated that the information base for those in care and leaving care has immensely enhanced since 1998. However, they have also found three existing weaknesses. Firstly, the dates mainly have short follow up times. Secondly they focus only a small parameter of young peoples lives. And finally, they are mainly available for England. Stein differentiates that the transition itself, is crucial to getting young people ready for the risk of society, by giving them the time for independence, discovering, thinking, risk taking and character exploration (Stein, 2006). He says that coming across danger is possible through chance, so in order to identify valuable and harmful effects, by the revelation to these problematic situations, it allows for opportunities emerge for both problem-resolving skills and emotional coping skills are provided (Newman and Blackburn, 2002, cited in Stein ibid). Steins study analysis significantly shows that care leavers as a group are more likely to be socially excluded and that there are still huge gaps in research knowledge, particularly nothing in terms of using experimental and quasi-experimental methods (Stein, 2006). Therefore, there is a high demand for the usage of cohort experiments in giving a refined understanding of risk and protective elements over time. Furthermore, he openly shows that there is also a high demand to develop connections between empirical and theoretical work, this is because most of the studies do not involve research from theory in regards to context, theoretical investigation and theory making. In view of the concerns and increasing awareness of the poor outcomes of young people leaving the care system, the Government produced a consultation paper (Care Matters: Transforming the Lives of Children and Young People in Care 2007). Care Matters (2006) detailed a number of government initiatives to assist the transition into adulthood for care leavers. Included in the proposals were a pilot scheme to allow young people to live with foster families until they were 21; establishment of a capital investment fund to improve supported housing options; top-ups of Child Trust funds for young people in care and national bursaries for young people in care that go onto higher education. One of the key principles of Care Matters echoed research elsewhere into transition that young people should enter adult life when they are ready rather than when a local authority social worker decides that they should do so. Most young people are supported by their families until their early twenties ye t those in care often lack that sense of security they should expect no less from a corporate parent in terms of help in the transition to adulthood than their peers who live with parents (Care Matters 2006). Rainer (2007:2) states The DfES Green Paper Care Matters, and the Next Steps document, set out a range of extremely promising proposals to improve services to young people as they move through and out of the care system. However, there is evidence that when it comes to housing support care leavers are not yet consistently receiving the service they are entitled to under current legislation. His reports analysed the scale of the issues and highlights the terrible conditions in which some care leavers are expected to set up their first home. Similarly, Broad (2005 cited in Stein, 2006) found that for young parents, young accompanied asylum and refugee seekers and young people remanded, their services were mainly described as staying the same since the introduction of the Children Leaving Care Act 2000. The DH (Department of Health, 2003) found that some young people are drawn to the concept of independence and will have a strong drive to leave, however that urge is driven by various factors, these including a placement breakdown, the limited placements available, issues with challenging behaviour management, traditional expectations and tight transitions. DH (ibid) realises that inconsistent planning for adulthood is common for young care leavers, furthermore, the specific needs have not been consistently given to certain groups like ethnic minorities or single parent. However, having said that, some young people do have positive experiences whereas some experience hardships, this sometimes even included high risk of homelessness. Stein (2006) debated that a holistic approach needs to be considered when preparation is made for leaving care, that it each element needs equal amount of importance, practical skills are equal to emotional wellbeing as well being equal to interpersonal s kills. Housing Support with accommodation is also identified as an important issue for care leavers and they should have access to appropriate housing options. For many leaving residential care or foster placements, issues such as coping with finances, shopping and self-care were challenging and practical support in developing life skills is something that will help better prepare care leavers for adulthood (Kendrick 2008). The National Care Advisory Service (NCAS) also stresses that suitable and stable accommodation for young people preparing to leave care will enable them to develop their skills and options in other areas such as education, employment and social networking (NCAS 2009). NCAS identified the importance of pathway planning and highlighted an example of good practice in Barnsley where pathway assessments have a specific section relating to accommodation which considers things such as a young persons current arrangements; their practical knowledge; awareness of tenancy rights and respo nsibility to be a good neighbour; budgeting skills and the care leavers ability to access housing advice (NCAS 2009). Care matters (2006) highlighted the negative consequences of frequent changes in foster care. In 2005/6, of 23,000 children under 16 looked after for more than 2.5 years; 65% had been living in the same placement for at least two years or were placed for adoption. While this is 1% higher than the previous year, unless the rate increases dramatically the government is unlikely to achieve their target of 80% by 2008 and currently 12% of children in care still experience 3 or more placements (Care matters, 2006). Care Matters made a number of proposals about commissioning; increasing choice and training and support for foster carers and residential workers. While these are all positive steps they will not necessarily address the issues of shortfall in foster carers and the poor status of residential work as a positive option for staff. (Barnardos,2007,p4) ref:bernardos.org.uk Lack of stability was also highlighted as a barrier to social bonding and support, emotional well-being, and educational success. The social worker would be responsible for the budget of each child. Care plans need to be revised. In interview with children in care, one placement was top on their list of what they desired (Morgan, 2007). Employment, Education and Training The educational under achievement of children in care up to year 11 is well researched and documented, but despite the long standing recognition of this issue there appears to have been no substantial improvement in recent years. Care Matters recognises the importance of stability in education, particularly in years 10 and 11, but does not go far enough in outlining a schools responsibilities to ensure looked after children are not denied access to their education through temporary or permanent exclusion. Given looked after children are disproportionately more likely to have their education disrupted through exclusion we are concerned about the degree of discretion in individual schools as to the interpretation of last resort. (Barnardos,2007,p7). While 56 percent of all children attained 5 good GCSEs of A to C in 2005, only 11 percent of children in care attained these levels (DfES, 2006); this level was 12 percent in 2006 (DfES, 2007). A study of care leavers in the UK found that only 23 per cent were in full-time or part-time education (Everson-Hock 2009). The age that young people leave care can be a factor that leaves them ill-prepared for independent living. Many do so between the ages of 16 and 17, at a time when they also manage the move from education into training, work or unemployment. Their peers go through this transition most often whilst living at home with family support and the advantages of a stable home environment (Jones 2002). The importance of attempting to achieve positive educational outcomes is stressed by a number of commentators as crucial in effective preparation for leaving care. Newman and Blackburn (2002) and Sinclair et al (2005) emphasise that having positive experiences at school and reaching an adequate level of educational achievement is strongly associated with resilience in young people in care and in getting them ready for adult life. From a wider perspective, it makes sense for local and central government to invest in the future of care leavers and in England there is evidence in recent years of a change in philosophy so that supporting children and young people that are at risk of poor outcome is desirable so that that can maximise their potential in future (Stein 2008). Providing education and training focussed on future employment is crucial to this. Health Health services have an important role in supporting young people leaving care. Low levels of care leavers report seeing health professionals and high number report engaging in unhealthy behaviours such as smoking (Everson-Hock 2009). As part of effective partnership working, Directors of Childrens Services should ensure that health services, particularly mental health services are on hand to work with social workers and accommodation providers to assist care leavers (NCAS 2009). Young people with mental health needs especially might need help in locating suitable places to live. A further important health issue is for social workers to help young people to understand the importance of healthy living and have access to suitable cooking facilities (NCAS 2009). Unfortunately, young care leavers are at a disadvantage here. For many 16-17 year olds, parents take on responsibility for arranging medical consultations, promoting a balanced diet, identifying ill health and discussing the dangers of smoking and drinking local authorities as a corporate parent often take a less proactive role in this area (McLeod and Bywaters 2000). Added to the poor housing and deprivation that many care leavers experience and a consistent picture often emerges of malnutrition, infections, mental illness, drug use and susceptibility to physical attack (McLeod and Bywaters). Being a young parent can have a great impact on people as they leave care. The prevalence of teenage pregnancy among looked after girls in England is around three times higher than that their peers under 18 in England (DfES 2006) and a study carried out by the Teenage Pregnancy Unit (2001) found that a quarter of looked after young people had a child by the age of 16 and nearly half had a baby within 24 months of leaving care. These young people in general are exposed to a number of risk factors associated with teenage pregnancies, including educational failure, socio-economic deprivation and involvement in youth offending (Kirton 2009), all of which have a negative impact on their preparation for independent living after care. Quantitative research into young mothers leaving care was completed by Maxwell et al (2011). The studied acknowledged that the likelihood of pregnancy increases significantly in care leavers and used interviews and diaries kept by young mothers to try and identify how they were prepared to leave care as a parent. The study identified that young women wanted to provide a better childhood than they had experienced to their own baby and found motherhood as something that helped build a positive image (Maxwell et al 2011). Again, the research highlighted that the earlier lives of care leavers and the subsequent low esteem that they have can be a significant hurdle in preparing for life outside of the care system Care matters (2006) propose that local authorities provide free access to sports and clubs, as well as opportunities for personal development and volunteering. The Healthy Care Programme supports this pledge, stating, This supports the National Healthy Care Standard entitlement for looked after children to have opportunities to develop personal and social skills, talents and abilities and to spend time in freely chosen play, cultural and leisure activities (DfES, 2006b, p. 3). More than 50 percent of the children who responded to the Green Paper reported having problems gaining access to such activities. (DfES, 2007).156 children in care rated the governments ideas for what councils should promise to them. A right to do leisure and sports activities and a chance to do a volunteering activity were fifth and sixth on their list, respectively (Morgan, 2007, p. 33). Support Biehal et al (1995) also studied the impact of different leaving care services on the young people involved. This study found that specialist leaving care services were most likely to have an impact on those who came into care from the most disadvantaged starting point. Biehal et al found that many young people were unprepared to leave care, but that this could be affected by their earlier family relationships and housing experiences. Like other studies, it was identified that the best leaving care services should include making a contribution to improving accommodation options and helping young care leavers with life skills such as budgeting, negotiating and self-care (Biehal et al 1995). Stein (2008) examined how to promote the resilience of young people in care and better preparation for adulthood, suggesting that this could be better achieved through provision of stability in care, a holistic preparation for transition and the provision of comprehensive services throughout their time in care which promoted a positive sense of identity. Stein also developed a theory that carer leaves fall into three distinct groups which can be shaped by their level of preparation to leave care young people moving on, survivors and victims (Stein 2008). Qualitative research into the views of young people on their preparations to leave care was undertaken by Morgan and Lindsay (2006). This identified that the assistance they were given in preparing to leave care varied greatly. Some identified good practice such as young people preparing to leave care gradually by spending a couple of days a week living independently in their new accommodation, and the rest of the week back in care. Support to learn practical skills such as cooking, doing laundry and housework was also seen as important but support in helping them learn these skills varied. Morgan and Lindsay also identified that practical help received from local authorities when leaving care was often lacking. Only 52% received support for education and accommodation, 53% were offered continued support from social services and only 33% offered practical help with training or benefits and grants (Morgan and Lindsay 2006). There is evidence that many young people feel largely unprepared for leaving care. Morgan and Lindsays study identified extremely short notice periods given to young people for leaving care, or young people being forced to leave care at a time when they did not feel ready to do so. In some of the worst examples, young people were given only 24 hours to leave a placement, they had no plan for the future, they had no home-keeping skills and little choices as to where they would move onto (Morgan and Lindsay 2006). Many saw a leaving care worker as important but some saw their leaving care worker as unhelpful and unsympathetic. Young people were able to identify what they wanted from leaving care workers often simple things such as to be there to support but not to interfere, and to offer support in finding adequate accommodation. Again, a key point is that provision of effective leaving care support appears to vary greatly Morgan and Lindsay summarise the overall impression conveyed was distinctly that of a lottery, with some young people enjoying excellent preparation and support, whilst others received little or no help at all (Morgan and Lindsay 2006, p22). Mentoring groups or peer mentors i.e. former care leavers to assist care leavers have also been identified as useful in preparing young people to live independently (Clayden and Stein 2005). Young people leaving care can need support from different sources at different times and a range of support networks can be useful in helping them overcome the disadvantages that they face. KEY FINDINGS The key findings from the literature review have been firstly à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¢The accelerated process and young age of care leavers as opposed to other peers is a result of push factor such as placement breakdown, limitations in the supply of placements, problems in managing challenging behaviour, traditional expectations and personal choice. à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¢ Limited housing resources and the unsuitable allocation and condition of various accommodation provisions. à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¢ LA as a corporate parent take a less proactive role compared to the parents of young people who are not in care in regards to their health which continue patterns of instability were particularly vulnerable to poor housing outcomes and were more likely to experience post care instability and homelessness. à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¢ Young people who have left care are over-represented amongst young homeless people, including those who are sleeping rough. à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¢ Entering the care system can prove to be highly problematic by disrupting a young persons education progress due to placements complexities and the personal negative experiences of young people pre and post entering care. à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¢ The lack of practical experiences and skills present during the transitions to independence presented as one of the main difficulties in conjunction with the issues of budgeting and housing as a main factor effecting a successful and stable transition. à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¢ The research reviewed emphasised that young people would prefer and benefit from gaining support and experience in undertaking practical tasks prior to leaving care. It is important to note that that the provision of leaving care services across the UK varies and young people in different areas will have different experiences and levels of support. Most commentators agree that the experiences of young people both before they come into care and whilst in care can have an impact years later when they are preparing to leave care and that effective leaving care services are important in preparing care leavers for independent living. Support with accommodation emerges as one of the most effective ways to prepare young people to leave care along with provision of help and information on basic life skills such as budgeting, organisation and self-care. There is certainly room for further research in this area, particularly based on the experiences of UK care leavers at this point there is relatively little qualitative research into how young people feel about their preparations to leave care. The period before people leave care allows is an important period where carers and statutory organisations can make a positive impact on their lives fully understanding the impact of TSSs can be a valuable tool in delivering better outcomes.

Harry S. Truman’s Early Political Career & Its effects Essay

Preface This Research paper is meant for the academicians, students and those concerned with the international politics.   The complicated international politics is well understood by the prevailing American politics which has great bearings.   This report gives a brief insight of the Truman presidency and its impact. An Abstract   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   This report delves into the early political career of 33rd President of the USA.   His presidency is analyzed briefly concerning New Deal, World War and the Cold War.   A brief conclusion is appended at the end. Rationale of the Study The motivation of this study is to draw a fair conclusion about Truman’s early political career and the effect that his policies had on the America people up to the end of World War II. Truman, Harry S. (1884-1972): His Early Political Career With the demise of President Franklin D. Roosevelt on April 12, 1945, Vice President Harry S. Truman took over the Oval Office.   He knew he faced a difficult set of challenges.   However Truman’s most frightening task perhaps was following his predecessor, Roosevelt, who had restructured American governance, the Democratic Party, and the office of the presidency during his twelve years in office. Truman’s appointees were mostly undistinguished and contributed little to his presidency.   Ã‚  He inherited Roosevelt’s staff of presidential advisers.   By the mid-1940s, the President’s staff included administrative assistants, appointments and press secretaries, and counsels to the President.   It also included the Bureau of the Budget, formerly a part of the Treasury Department but, owing to the Executive Reorganization Act of 1939, now housed in the Executive Office of the President.   The New Deal and the war years focused the increasingly important and powerful role that a President’s staff played in policy-making. During the Truman years, the President’s staff continued to grow in size.   On the domestic side, the most important addition was the Council of Economic Advisers (CEA). The Employment Act of 1946 created the CEA to help the President make economic policy; liberal Democrats in Congress particularly wanted the CEA to be a preserve for progressives and liberal New Dealers.   Truman instead staffed the CEA with a mix of conservatives and liberals,   Truman treated the CEA as a set of presidential advisers, rather than as an independent body, and made sure that it remained under his control. Depression, New Deal, & World War Truman took office just as World War II entered its final stages.   His main task, then, was to outline to Americans his vision for the country’s future.   Ã‚  Two related issues — the future of New Deal liberalism and the re-conversion of the American economy from a war-time to a peace-time footing topped his agenda. With the war’s end, Truman needed to restructure the nation’s financial system towards consumer production and spell out the government’s future role in the economy. Truman presented to Congress a detailed twenty-one point message that nevertheless attempted to set the post-war political and economic agenda.   Truman called for new public works programs, legislation guaranteeing â€Å"full employment,† a higher minimum wage, extension of the Fair Employment Practices Committee, a larger Social Security System, and a national health insurance system. Overall, these requests showed an interest in maintaining and building upon the New Deal.   On reconversion, Truman pushed for quick demobilization of the military — a political necessity as the troops and their families clamored for a quick return to civilian life and the temporary extension of governmental economic controls. Truman’s program went nowhere.   Republicans and conservative southern Democrats in Congress were dead-set against many of the other proposed reforms, including an extension of FEPC, national health insurance, and a higher minimum wage.   The public, in addition, divided over the prospects of an enlarged social welfare state and continued government intervention in the economy; liberal Democrats and key constituents of the Democratic Party supported them, but many other Americans did not. Reconversion was rejected and stalled and Truman received the blame.   As a matter of fact, rapid reconversion would have been difficult for any President, because of the variety and challenge of its objectives: increased production of consumer goods, full employment, higher wages, lower prices, and peace between labor unions and industrial management. Paradoxically, a key Democratic constituency namely labor gave Truman the most headaches.   In August 1945, Truman stated that he would maintain price controls however that unions could pursue higher wages.   Ã‚  Beginning in late 1945 and lasting throughout 1946, a wave of strikes hit the steel, coal, auto, and railroad industries, and devastating key sectors of the American economy and stifling production of certain consumer goods. To end the strikes and restore industrial peace, he recommended compulsory mediation and arbitration, warned that the U.S. government would draft striking railroad workers, and even took a union — the United Mine Workers to court.   However by taking such a hard line, Truman had damaged his relationship with an important element of the party coalition. Truman’s other major economic problem was the time it took to convert from military to civilian production.   Consumer goods in high demand were slow to appear on the nation’s shelves and in its showrooms, frustrating Americans who desperately wanted to purchase items they had forsaken during the war. Price controls proved a principally difficult problem.   Ã‚  As controls began to disappear in mid-1946, prices shot upward; the rise in the price of meat which doubled over a two-week period in the summer, received the most attention.   In response, the government reinstituted price controls, angering meat producers who then withheld meat from the market. The combination of high prices and shortage infuriated consumers and voters, who often criticized the President.   By September of 1946, Truman’s popularity rating had sunk to 32 percent.   Many Americans, including the President’s supposed Democratic allies, wondered if Truman could successfully lead the nation. In his State of the Union address, he identified the need for legislation to solve the persistent problems of labor unrest and strikes. He offered no solution of his own, nevertheless, proposing only a temporary commission to study the issue and a declaration that he would sign no bill attacking organized labor. Republicans in Congress took up Truman’s challenge and passed the Taft-Hartley bill, which limited the power of labor unions by curbing union participation in politics, by approving state â€Å"right to work† laws, and by allowing the President to block strikes through a judicially mandated eighty day â€Å"cooling-off† period.   Truman vetoed Taft-Hartley in June 1947, declaring that it â€Å"would take fundamental rights away from our working people.† Congress superseded the veto; Truman, in turn, declared to accomplish the law’s provisions and he even applied several of them including the court injunction to bring an end to some strikes.  Ã‚   However, in opposing Taft-Hartley, Truman mustered the support of organized labor. Inflation continued to be a problem in 1947 and 1948 too, although prices did not rise as sharply as they had in 1946.   Food prices, especially, continued to rise.     Truman suggested a return to price controls, although with the knowledge that congressional Republicans would reject such a measure and which they did. Finally, in 1947, Truman reaffirmed his support for liberal initiatives like housing for the poor and federal assistance for education. He vetoed Republican tax bills perceived as favoring the rich and rejected a Republican effort to raise tariffs on imported wool, a measure he deemed isolationist.   These positions, combined with his veto of Taft-Hartley and his sympathy toward price controls, situated Truman as the chief defender of the New Deal against Republican encroachments. Truman also took a stand in 1947 on civil rights.   Ã‚  His failed 1945 proposal to extend FEPC was, partially, an effort to woo black voters so important to the Democratic Party.   In the summer of 1947, Truman became the first President to address the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), to whom he declared his forthright support of African-American civil rights.   Speaking to a crowd of 10,000, Truman declared that â€Å"The only limit to an American’s achievement should be his ability, his industry, and his character.† Truman however, proceeded warily on Civil rights front.   In early 1948, he sent his civil rights proposals to Congress, but did little to urge their passage.   He also announced that he would issue executive orders in the future to integrate the armed forces and to ban discrimination in the civil service.   Ã‚  By early 1948, therefore, his support for civil rights was more rhetorical than substantive.   However, as he followed this strategy with increasing skill throughout the year, Truman stood poised to win Democratic votes. In his 1948 State of the Union address, Truman again called for civil rights legislation, national health insurance, a housing program, and a higher minimum wage. On a cross-country train tour in early 1948 dubbed a â€Å"whistle stop† tour by Republican Senator Robert Taft.   Truman used a new extemporaneous speaking style.   Audiences warmed to this new public persona: the plain-spoken, hard-fighting Harry Truman from Missouri.   Still, most political observers and many Democrats thought Truman would not win re-election in 1948. Truman also embraced more fully the cause of black civil rights by issuing executive orders desegregating the military and outlawing discrimination in the civil service.   Ã‚  He won an upset victory that fall over his Republican opponent, Governor Thomas Dewey of New York. Fair Deal Propped up by his dramatic victory, Truman announced an agenda in early 1949, which he called the â€Å"Fair Deal.†   It was a collection of policies and programs much desired by liberals in the Democratic Party: economic controls, repeal of Taft-Hartley, an increase in the minimum wage, expansion of the Social Security program, a housing bill, national health insurance, development projects modeled on the New Deal’s Tennessee Valley Authority, liberalized immigration laws, and ambitious civil rights legislation for African-Americans. Conservatives in the Republican and Democratic parties had little use for Truman’s Fair Deal.   National health insurance and repeal of Taft-Hartley went nowhere in Congress.   Ã‚  Moreover Truman’s agricultural program, the â€Å"Brannan Plan,† designed to aid the family farmer by providing income support, had difficulties; it was replaced by a program that continued price supports.   Congress did approve parts of the Fair Deal; Truman won passage of a moderately effective public housing and slum-clearance bill in 1949, Noticeably, Truman had misjudged in reading his electoral victory as a mandate to enact a liberal political, social, and economic agenda. Just as important, Truman believed the â€Å"Fair Deal† as an opportunity to transform the Democratic Party into an alliance of urban dwellers, small farmers, labor, and African-Americans.   Absent from this proposed coalition were white conservative southern Democrats. In addition, public opinion polls showed that most Americans wanted Truman to protect the New Deal, not expand it.   Ã‚  Similarly, Truman misjudged congressional opposition to a larger social welfare state — opposition strengthened by the public’s lack of support for the Truman agenda.   Whatever enthusiasm remained for the Fair Deal was lost, after the summer of 1950, amidst preoccupations with the Korean War. Economic Growth At the same time as Truman fought for the Fair Deal in 1949, he also encountered a rather severe economic retardation.   Ã‚  Both unemployment and price increases rose during the first six months of that year, reinforcing fears that the nation’s post-war economic boom was over.   Truman’s economic policy sought to balance the federal budget through a combination of high taxes and limited spending; any budget surplus would be applied to the national debt.   As the economy slowed down, Truman in mid-1949 abandoned his hope for a balanced budget and gave some tax breaks to businesses. The economy responded by perking up in 1950. Frum states candidly: â€Å"No American president ever proposed worse economic policies than Harry Truman. The great post-war economic boom that began in 1945 appalled and disgusted Truman, and he exerted all his political power in an attempt to shut it down. Truman wanted to impose a permanent war economy on the United States† (p. 85). (1) Truman Doctrine, Marshall Plan & The Cold War: An Analysis The Truman Doctrine was the drive for the change in United States foreign policy, from isolationist to internationalists; thus Americans were drawn into two wars of containment and into world affairs.   The Truman Doctrine led to a major change in U.S. foreign policy from its inception. The outcome of World War II inspired the U.S. to issue a proclamation that would stop Communist influence all over the world.   Nevertheless, zeal in that achievement sent American soldiers to die in Vietnam and Korea for an apparently pointless cause. A direct result from the Truman Doctrine was the Marshall Plan. This came about when Truman appointed General Marshall as Secretary of State. In that position, he observed â€Å"Europe’s economic plight.† Marshall proposed a plan that would offer aid to all nations â€Å"West of the Urals.† (p. 355) (2). The Truman Doctrine has impacted everyone in the U.S. and nearly every country in the world since its declaration in 1947.   Some critics castigate the Doctrine: â€Å"Critics blamed involvement in Korea and Vietnam on the Truman Doctrine. Without the Doctrine . . . the U.S. might have minded its own business.† (p. 571) (3). Moreover, in 1949 the Soviet Union dared to acquire a nuclear capability, and so the Cold War started because the West had to respond to this sudden threat.   On July 25, 1945, the day Truman recorded in his diary, â€Å"We have discovered the most terrible bomb in the history of the world,† adding, â€Å"It is certainly a good thing that Hitler’s crowd or Stalin’s did not discover the atomic bomb.†(4).  Ã‚   It seems that the Cold War developed in the mind of a skeptic Truman.   It has been argued that his dropping two nuclear bombs on Japan was to some extent motivated by a desire to intimidate Russia–as Cold War strategists often said, Russia respects nothing but power and force (5)(6). Conclusions Almost as soon as World War II ended the United States found itself entangled in a somewhat subtler and more complex Cold War with the Soviet Union.   This ideological conflict was an overwhelming influence in the formulation of American foreign and domestic policies for the next 45 years and redefined the America’s role in the world community.   American foreign policy that was founded upon George Washington’s warning to â€Å"beware foreign entanglements† soon found itself rebuilding Europe through the Marshall Plan, defending it under NATO, and eventually struggling to contain communism on a worldwide scale. Accusations of corruption troubled Truman since his earliest days in politics.  Ã‚   During his presidency, the corruption charges proliferated, in part because they were effective political weapons for Truman’s opponents. However these charges also resonated as some members of the administration did participate in ethically questionable, if not illegal, activities. End Notes Frum, David. What’s Right: The New Conservative Majority And The Remaking Of America, 1996, Basic Books. Truman, Margaret. Harry S. Truman, 1973, New York: William Morrow and Co., Inc., 344-372. McCullough, David. Truman, 1992, New York: Simon and Schuster, 550-575. Truman quoted in Robert H. Ferrell, Off the Record: The Private Papers of Harry S. Truman, 1980, New York: Harper and Row, 55-56. Williams, Appleman William. The Cold War Revisionist, 1967, The Nation, 13 November, 492-495. Lerner, Mitchell. Review of Dennis D. Wainstock, The Decision to Drop the Atomic Bomb, 1997, H-PCAACA, H-Net Reviews.

Anzaldua’s Struggle with Language Essay

Gloria Anzaldua, the author of â€Å"How to Tame a Wild Tongue,† expresses a very strong tie that she has to her native language. Anzaldua grew up in the United States, but spoke mostly Spanish. She did not speak the normal form of Spanish though; she spoke Chicano Spanish, a language very close to her heart. The text focuses on the idea of her losing her home accent, or tongue, to conform to the environment she is growing up in. From a very young age, Anzaldua knows that she is not treated the same as everyone else is treated. She knows that she is second to others, and her language is far from second to others as well. Anzaldua stays true to her language by identifying herself with her language and keeping it alive, when everyone else wants it gone. She strategically expresses herself in the text through her personal experiences with the language, the use of narration and structure, and her gender role within her language. Anzaldua uses appeals such as ethos, pathos, and log os to show the audience the use of these three strategies. Anzaldua’s text begins with her visit to the dentist. This is where she introduces the main, reoccurring, theme of â€Å"taming a wild tongue.† This theme, depending which way it is looked at, can be seen as a rhetorical question in the sense that her â€Å"tongue† cannot be tamed. In this case it metaphorically represents her native language she speaks. The dentist is getting frustrated with her tongue getting in the way of his work, and he mentions how her tongue is so strong and stubborn. He states that something must be done about her untamed tongue. Ironically, everything the dentist says about to tongue is true for her native tongue as well. Anzaldua knows that she cannot stand up for herself and her tongue, because her language is frowned upon in America. There is no way to tame her tongue; she must completely get rid of it. In these first opening paragraphs, Anzaldua is using the rhetorical strategy of her personal experience at the dentist. When reading this, one may think that the author is trying to portray a young girl at the dentist and that her tongue is being stubborn. The author is using a metaphor, and is not only talking about her actual tongue, but her accent as well. Anzaldua is showing an appeal such as pathos. The author shows this emotional appeal to demonstrate the love that she has for her language. Anzaldua identifies herself with her language, and is very emotional about it. The author has many personal experiences with the language that she is punished for. At school if she was caught speaking Spanish, she would be punished for it. For instance, she was once punished and accused of â€Å"talking back† to the teacher when all she was trying to do was tell her how to pronounce her name. The teachers were very disrespectful to her and her companions who spoke Spanish. One of the teachers stated, â€Å"If you want to be American, speak American. [i]f you don’t like it, go back to Mexico where you belong† (59). The Spanish speaking students were frowned upon and were not only taught to speak English, but to speak English without slang or a Mexican accent. Anzaldua identifies herself with her language, and is offended if someone talks poorly about it. The author uses her emotional tie to her language to connect with the audience and give the reader a sense of how she feels. She uses ethos to show her strong connection with her background. She speaks her â€Å"home† tongues only with her sister and brothers, and her friends. There are five different languages but the two that she feels closest to are Chicano Spanish and Tex-Mex. She also speaks Pachuco, the language of rebellion, which she speaks in secret with kids and people her own age. According to Americans, her language is considered a bastard language and that it is illegitimate. This is something that she takes to heart because her language is so important to her and it is so close to her and her family. Anzaldua shows this in the narration and structure of her writing. Her reading is bilingual instead of just in English. She will write a whole sentence in English but change one or two words in the sentence to Spanish. An example is when she says, â€Å"Often with mexicanas y latinos we’ll speak English as a neutral language† (64). Here is just a small example of how she includes her Spanish language in her English text. There are many different times when Anzaldua does this in her reading. This is something that may confuse an English reader with no Spanish experience. Often times when I came across words in Spanish I got confused and almost embarrassed because I had no clue what she was trying to say. I think this is a great way to show readers how she felt as a Chicano trying to learn a whole new language. Anzaldua’s strategy of narration and structure of the text really catches a reader’s eye. She also italicizes any Spanish words that she includes in her text. This is just another way of showing the audience how important her language is to her. Another strategy she uses in her writing is how she splits up her story. She has many different titles throughout her text including: Overcoming the tradition of silence, Oyeá ¿ ½ como ladra: el lenguaje de la frontera, Chicano Spanish, and Linguistic terrorism. These titles all represent a new important part of her life and her life growing up in America. This is a strategy that works well with an audience because it attracts a reader to want to know more about the next topic of her life. Anzaldua uses these strategies to build appeals with the audience. She demonstrates ethos to the audience because of the emotional tie she has with her background. A reader can connect with her when she reveals her emotion to the audience. The use of her two languages in the text also exhibits her use of logos. Anzaldua struggles to keep her language alive because it is something that is so dear to her heart, but in turn she is not treated as well as she should be treated. In her text, Anzaldua explains how women are treated differently within the language. From a young age, girls are taught not to talk much, and to not talk back. In Spanish when speaking about a group of girls, including yourself in the group, you would say nosotras, and when speaking about a group of guys you would say nosostros. Anzaldua did not know that the word nosotras, the feminine reference, even existed until an older age. A group of women was always referred to as the masculine meaning. She states, â€Å"We are robbed of our female being by the masculine plural. [l]anguage is a male discourse† (60). Although women are treated differently than men, she does not take this to heart because she has grown up this way, and she still loves her heritage and language. She stands up for her language because it is part of who she is as a woman. She is proud of whom she is, and the language she speaks. Anzaldua values her language because it is a part of her identity. She says, â€Å"Ethnic identity is twin skin to linguistic identity-I am my language† (65). If you really want to make her mad or hurt her feelings, say bad things about her language. She takes pride in her language and respects it. This is the closest thing to her and is part of who she is. Anzaldua’s gender role within the language shows a reader how she is viewed as a woman. This established ethos to the reader because of how she feels about the illegitimacy of the language. She cannot accept legitimacy of herself until she is free to be like a typical American and do all the same things as them. Anzaldua says after this is done, â€Å"I will overcome the tradition of silence† (65). Throughout the text, â€Å"How to Tame a Wild Tongue,† by Gloria Anzaldua, she consistently refers to the pride she takes in the language. Her Chicana Spanish is something that is very important to her, and very dear to her heart. A reader realizes this by the author’s use of personal experiences with the language, the use of narration and structure, and her gender role within her language. Anzaldua also uses these strategies to aid in the use of her appeals such as ethos, pathos, and logos. She uses ethos frequently throughout her text because Chicano Spanish is something that is so important to her. Anzaldua takes pride in who she is and where she is from, and she will never let anyone take that away from her.

Self-Incrimination and the Supreme Court